Showing posts with label economics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label economics. Show all posts

10/1/12

VOX's opened a debate: What’s the use of economics?

VOX has opened a new discussion "What’s the use of economics?"  moderated by Richard Baldwin.


It would be helpful to have opinions from professionals from the hard sciences. We know about the overall opinion of the economic profession - the role of economics has dramatically increased after the crisis [:)]. We  know the opinion of the general public - "failed once again".  But only the approach adopted in the hard sciences can reshape economics in a way appropriate for the safe usage by the society. Currently, economics is irrelevant what makes it agressive and dangerous for the ustainability of the economy and society. It is time to put the economic studies in the  bounds of quantiative responsibility. Otherwise, it will fail again and again ...

This is the announcement and invitation to participate the discussion

Economics is under fire both from outside and inside the profession for irrelevance, arrogance, and more. This new Vox debate focuses on two questions: What’s the use of economics? How should we be teaching it to the next generation?

To participate in this debate, please email your commentary to debates@voxeu.org

Lead CommentariesRecent CommentariesPopular Commentaries
Diane Coyle, 18 September 2012
What’s the use of economics? A new Vox debate


Andrew G Haldane, 28 September 2012

What have the economists ever done for us?



11/13/11

On faulty philosophy of economics

There is a vivid discussion of the 2008/2009 economic and financial crisis which often touches upon the failure of the mainstream economic theory to predict and describe major events.  This theory is actually a bunch of assumptions, sometimes mutually exclusive. There are common features, however, which are shared by all schools of economic thought. They do assume that economic agents (individuals or firms) have some freedom and can act according to their own rational or irrational choices. When these choices are not well coordinated, synchronized and balanced throughout a given economy slowdowns and even recessions are likely to happen.  In economic literature, these events are often introduced as shocks (to demand or supply).  The term “shock” is a euphemism of the physical realization of unknown psychological processes in the economy. Generally, the mainstream economics does not try to explain these shocks as a result of real processes.
We see an inherent problem in the conventional approach to economic processes. It skips the first and fundamental step which is a must for any theory. The basic assumption should be that economic agents do not have a free will and follow up only prescribed trajectories. This notion is supported by the observation of a “frozen” personal income distribution. The normalized income distribution is constant over time as obtained from the reports of Annual social and Economic Supplements to the Current   Population Surveys conducted by the Bureau of Census.
All in all, we assume that no economic agents can change the rate of real economic growth as expressed by real GDP per capita from inside the economy. There are no endogenous forces which can divert the economy from its predefined trajectory of inertial growth. (We do not consider here wars, pandemics and any economy-wide catastrophes.)  This system is also resilient to exogenous forces because the agents can react only the predefined way to any events. Then, the only driving force is the quantitative change in the distribution of agents. That’s why the influx of individuals is the most probable source of shocks to the economy. The outflow is stationary and cannot change the system. As a result, the evolution of real GDP per capita is driven by the number of young people entering the economy. And this is our fundamental model, which must be the basis for any model with mobile agents. For no clear reason, this model is rejected by the conventional economics. 
In classical mechanics, the most fundamental laws and models are first based on the assumption that all objects are identical and have ideal properties.  In physics textbooks, one operates with points, ideal spheres, perfect rigidity, constant coefficients, and so on. In reality, there are tangible deviations from the perfect world of classical mechanics, but all fundamental laws are always valid. Moreover, before one starts to inspect the real world s/he has to learn classical mechanics with its perfect relationships. The mainstream economics has made a trivial philosophical mistake and missed the most fundamental part of scientific approach. We have filled this gap with our book “mecħanomics. Economics as Classical Mechanics. ” It resolves the most urgent problems of economics as a science and provides a solid basis for the further development.  We use only quantities of economic agents whose only property is to exist.  In that sense they are similar to ideal rigid spheres and do not have freedom.

9/28/11

Paul Krugman on the progress of economics

I avoide re-posting any other author in this blog. However, this post (see below in red) from Paul Krugman  deserves to be reposted one-to-one becasue I agree with many of his statements on macroeconomics. At the same time, Paul needs to make a step ahead and to look at the principal problem of macroeconomics as a science  - the absence of quantitative justification and the direct rejection of empirical proof as the tool of the macroeconomics progress. When one cannot measure the progress of a science in quantitative terms - this progress cannot be seen.  Hence, economics has to open itself for a criticism from the broader scientific society before it becomes a second rate sect, which is very close to be the truth

Does Economics Still Progress?



In a few hours Sylvia Nasar and I will have an on-stage dialogue at the 92nd Street Y, centered around her new book The Grand Pursuit, which offers a set of fascinating portraits of the makers of economics. (Irving Fisher invented the Rolodex?) But as I was reading her book I have to admit that I found myself wondering whether there’s much to celebrate.



I’ve never liked the notion of talking about economic “science” — it’s much too raw and imperfect a discipline to be paired casually with things like chemistry or biology, and in general when someone talks about economics as a science I immediately suspect that I’m hearing someone who doesn’t know that models are only models. Still, when I was younger I firmly believed that economics was a field that progressed over time, that every generation knew more than the generation before.



The question now is whether that’s still true. In 1971 it was clear that economists knew a lot that they hadn’t known in 1931. Is that clear when we compare 2011 with 1971? I think you can actually make the case that in important ways the profession knew more in 1971 than it does now.



I’ve written a lot about the Dark Age of macroeconomics, of the way economists are recapitulating 80-year-old fallacies in the belief that they’re profound insights, because they’re ignorant of the hard-won insights of the past.



What I’d add to that is that at this point it seems to me that many economists aren’t even trying to get at the truth. When I look at a lot of what prominent economists have been writing in response to the ongoing economic crisis, I see no sign of intellectual discomfort, no sense that a disaster their models made no allowance for is troubling them; I see only blithe invention of stories to rationalize the disaster in a way that supports their side of the partisan divide. And no, it’s not symmetric: liberal economists by and large do seem to be genuinely wrestling with what has happened, but conservative economists don’t.



And all this makes me wonder what kind of an enterprise I’ve devoted my life to.

9/11/11

Mankiw on business investment as the driver of economic growth

Greg Mankiw proposed to reduce corporate taxes in order to accelerate real economic growth, both in the short- and long-run. It is only one of many remedies proposed by macroeconomists. They do have a big problem to give not a silly recommendation based on macroeconomic analysis. But they cannot because of the inherent equilibrium state presumed by macroeconomic models. In short, this equilibrium implies that no internal force can make any change beyond the synchronized evolution of the system itself. Because these internal (economists call them endogenous) forces are well balanced they produce a very smooth growth trajectory. The only explanation of all large fluctuations around the average growth rate given by various schools of macro so far can be reduced to shocks to demand or supply, with these shocks having unknown origin. This is the feature of macroeconomics which makes it soft and worthless for quantitative forecasts. (See Krugman for the failure of the economic profession.) Economists do not really know what drives real economic growth and all their models are superficial in terms of quantities. (As a rule, economists consider the absence of empirical justification as a strong side of their theories and are proud of that. It works well before the next recession.)  
The corporate taxes are external to the nature these shocks. In other words it is not shown that the change in these taxes affects real economic growth.  If to neglect the theoretical impotence of this proposal (again, there is no proof that the tax reduction works in reality and will not be just waste of resources) one can make a thought experiment. Imagine that it works. Then, any reduction to the corporate taxes, as based on the macroeconomic grounds, would induce a positive feed-back and thus several iterations before these taxes fall to zero. This is simple induction – the reduction, supposedly (because there is no quantitative proof), helps – business needs lower taxes. What then? The government will need to make the taxes negative? 
What to do then?  According to our model, the US economy will struggle through the 2010s with the average rate of real GDP per capita growth below 2%. This implies the rate of unemployment near 9%. The slow growth will be accompanied by slight deflation. This situation has been observed in Japan since 1997 and is not too bad for the economy. The US should just be ready to redistribute the overall income in a way to support the poorest groups of population. This does not imply the corporate tax reduction any time soon.

8/11/11

US in liquidity trap?

I have re-read the FOMC statement. Its wording is somewhat contradictory and in some points is very similar to the set of conditions defining so-called liquidity trap. 

To promote the ongoing economic recovery and to help ensure that inflation, over time, is at levels consistent with its mandate, the Committee decided today to keep the target range for the federal funds rate at 0 to 1/4 percent. 

There are two statements in one sentence. The Federal Reserve has to keep the rate low in order to galvanize the economy. In turn, the economy did not show any reaction to the low rate during the past three years and is not expected to grow another two years:    

The Committee currently anticipates that economic conditions--including low rates of resource utilization and a subdued outlook for inflation over the medium run--are likely to warrant exceptionally low levels for the federal funds rate at least through mid-2013.”  

 To keep inflation in the target range one needs to be flexible and to have an opportunity to react when inflation expectations alter.  The rate fixed between 0 and ¼ percent is not a medicine any more. It can not counteract inflation rise because it is fixed. It can not counteract liquidity trap because the rate can not be negative. Hence, the Federal Reserve should not mix economic growth and inflation in one pot. This statement is self-contradictory and reveals a trivial misunderstanding of economics.  

All in all, the Federal Reserve admits that it has failed to improve real economic growth by near-zero rates and by pumping money into banks through the QE mechanism. Moreover, the FOMC does not see any real improvement at a mid-term horizon. Considering the experience of Japan who has been struggling through a liquidity trap for decades one may suggest that the U.S. is already in the trap and all current efforts are worthless.

7/9/11

Is the mainstream economics a science?

I like to collect citations from well-known economists. They actually think that economics is a hard science and they are scientists in terms of methodology.  Sometimes they give direct examples and compare economics with some hard sciences. This is one of examples from R.Schiller who compares economics and medicine:
Imagine how the medical profession would view one of its members who recommended to the general public some therapy that had not yet passed scrutiny from the appropriate authorities. Medical professionals know how often seemingly promising new therapies turn out, after careful study, not to work, or even to be harmful. There is a rigorous process of scholarly review of proposed new therapies, associated with professional journals that uphold high research standards. Circumventing that process and promoting new, untested ideas to the general public is unprofessional.
By irony, Robert explains the difference between the medical profession and economists in the very beginning of his post:
... An apparent paradox emerged from the discussion: the boom in popular economics comes at a time when the general public seems to have lost faith in professional economists, because almost all of us failed to predict, or even warn of, the current economic crisis, the biggest since the Great Depression.

Imagine now that the medical profession has the same "success" in the main fields of research. Would anybody go to a  doctor at all?  What were the criteria of " ... scrutiny from the appropriate authorities"  in the economics profession?

Please, do not steal from the hard sciences the merits economics does not deserve. There is no scientific methodology in the current economic knowledge because economits explicitly deny the necessity to compare observations and predictions. This is the core of medical scrutiny.  If to compare an economist and a doctor, the former should never approach the patient.

11/5/10

Monographs

We have published three monographs this year. All three reflect the problems and topics, which have always been the main topic of this blog: Economics as Classical Mechanics. If one has been following the blog from the very beginning s/he could have a great deal of knowledge about our concept and results. Random readers might be interested in specific topics from inequality to stock pricing.

Our publisher, the LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, encourages us and we are also happy to request a favour of all readers to help the overall promotion of these monographs. We would appreciate very much if you could leave a short review and/or evaluate the books on amazon.com:

Mechanics of personal income distribution: The probability to get rich


Deterministic mechanics of pricing



mechanomics: Economics as Classical Mechanics



Thanks for your kind assistance

Ivan Kitov

9/12/10

Economics as an iterative research program

1. We do not know how it has happened …


2. The importance of the economic profession just grows …

3. Give us more time and resources …

4. Our models has been dramatically improved since the last unpredicted event …

5. We do not how it has happened again (and again) …

9/16/09

Krugman, Cochrane, Altig ...

There is an active discussion of the future of economics profession. Where should we ( e.g. the broader scientific community) seek the ideas and tools, which could save economics as an emergent science?
Some mainstream economists like Krugman, Cochrane, Altig and others again discuss these problems in light of which school of economic thought should prevail. I guess that this discussion will stretch straight into the next failure to predict significant economic phenomenon; like deflation in the USA starting in 2012. So, despite its activity the discussion seems to be a hopeless one.

We deserve a better treat. Therefore, the scientific community must formulate clear questions and set some threshold requirements for economics as a science to be allowed to shape and control economic and social life. In a sense, we are all customers of economic theory because it ifluences in one way or another the decisions made by economic and financial authorities. As the customers we should ask the economic profession to formulate a new research plan (not to argue which school is wrong). This plan has to define clear (for general public and experts in various fields) ideas and tools which are necessary to answer the question why the theory has failed to describe 2007-2010, and when it expects a new unpredictable change likely to happen. Meanwhile, it would be helpful for economists to regain public trust. This current discussion on the difference between various (failed) approaches does not look like helpful. If they follow the route of the negation of the presence of educated audience waiting for reasonable answers, they will completely detach themselves from the scientific community and general public as well.

9/14/09

How big are bank problems in the USA?

Bloomberg cites Joseph Stiglitz, who has evaluated bank problems as bigger than pre-Lehman. This is a questionable statement because it is based on a qualitative evaluation. Our stock price model allows to evaluate the difference between 2008 and 2009 in a quantitative format - adjusted share price.

First, we show some examples of poor banks which have approached the level of bankraptcy:

1. Citigroup (C) reached the bottom in the beginning of 2009. Was bailed out. On an upward trend right now - no problems in the near future, as the model says. I consider the possibility to invest right now.
(N.B. here and below we do not provide actual empirical relationships behind the predicted curves because they are confidential.)



2. Colonial Bank (CNB) reached the bottom in March 2009. Is a part of BBT now. Why isn't it bailed out?

3. CIT Group Inc. Must fail in April, but was bailed out.


4. E*TRADE financial corporation (ETFC) definitely has problems in 2009. Our model is highly unceratain because of the uncertainty in underlying data. ETFC will likely have a problem by the end of 2009, but then will recover quickly.


5. SLM Corp. (SLM) seems to have hard time in the near future. This is the only problem bank we have found among those in S&P 500. Will watch its evolution




Several positive examples of large importance:

6. Fifth Third Bancorp (FITB) approached the zero line in the beginning of 2009. has been successfully recovering since. Demonstrates sustainable growth, but still its share price is at the level of October 2008. I wonder that Stiglitz confused the down- and upgoing branches. It is worth noting that S&P 500 banks are chiefly on rise with large positive trends.



7. Bank of America dropped very low but recovered fast. The model predicts relatively quick growth.


8. Goldman Sachs has only slight problems compared to those associated with CIT and CNB. Currently is closing its 2007 level. No problems are foreseen.


9. JPMorgan Chase is very similar to GS. Stays good for investment.


Conclusion.
Stiglitz and Co. look to be mistaken about problems in 2009. It might be another decline in the second part of 2010, however.

Does economics need a scientific revolution?

David Altig at macroblog has joined the fierce discussion of the problems in theoretical economics related to the complete failure in prediction of the current crisis. The economic profession is very reluctant to recognize (not admit) the inconsistency of the mainstream ideas and tools.

Briefly, our approach has been formulated in the article "Does economics need a scientific revolution?" as a reaction to the article by J.-P. Bouchaud "Economics need a scientific revolution" in Nature.

Our research, as a whole, is a quantitative alternative to the mainstream economics. This blog highlights relevant results.

6/15/09

Does economics need a scientific revolution?

Mechonomics is a hard science describing measured economic variables in mechanistical terms. The key word in this sentence is "measured".
There is a broarer community of physicists (chiefly theoreticians) elaborating so-called econophysics. In my view, they are trying to describe what they do not know how it was measured. As a consequence, their results are completely denied by the economic profession, which these physicists want to enter, however. We have no intention deny of argue the principles of conventional economics. It is not wise. We just create an orthogonal space, which will eventually accomodate conventional economics and likely econophysics.
This short paper is devoted to the difference between mechonomics and econophysics.
Kitov, I., (2009). Does economics need a scientific revolution?, MPRA Paper 14476, University Library of Munich, Germany, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/14476/01/MPRA_paper_14476.pdf
Abstract
Economics does not need a scientific revolution. Economics needs accurate measurements according to high standards of natural sciences and meticulous work on revealing empirical relationships between measured variables.
Key Words: economics, science
JEL classification: A1

The proclamation by J.-P.Bouchaud [1] of the necessity “to break away from classical economics and develop completely different tools” might please many researchers and definitely bought a strong ideological support among professionals in the hard sciences. Sharing the general mood of the proclamation it is worth to analyze it without any favor to the physical sciences and without prejudice to economics. There are several questions arising directly from the Jean-Philippe’s text and some real problems behind the text reflecting the inability of the broad scientific community to build a sound economic theory matching strict requirements developed in empirical and quantitative disciplines.
First question is related to a striking tone of the pamphlet. For a physicist, it is very uncommon to use a somewhat proclamatory language and slightly negligible attitude to opponents. The strength of physics has been always expressed in the overall fit between predictions and observations. This fit does not need trumpets – just scatter plots. There is a flavor of total superiority in the wording about physics as the only source of all those useful things.
So, why this powerful science did not explain economic and financial crises yet?
Second question is a consequence of the failure to create a physics-like theory of economic evolution, as Bouchaud clearly evidences himself. Why should one make a blank shot? This attack from the side of natural sciences is easily suppressed by the first question and the dry residual is expressed by the cited economist: “These concepts are so strong that they supersede any empirical observations”. This statement is 90 percent right because the opposite statement is not proved by available economic data. And this statement will be 100% wrong only when some new economic concept fits economic data, as physics has been demonstrating since Sir Isaac Newton. Meanwhile, the blank shot undermines respect to physics as a science and makes any opposition to the current status of the mainstream economics void. The best weapon against alchemy is analytic chemistry, but not words about analytic chemistry.
Third question is related to the actions required from the target audience of the essay. It seems that the rhetoric better complies with specialist from the hard sciences. What should those numerous researchers accomplish? The author gives a dangerous answer – “completely different tools”. Therefore, he admits that there exists no tool capable to resolve most urgent problems of theoretical and experimental economics. This is another evidence of the inconsistency of physics in the realm of economics. On the other hand, this answer implies the abolishment of the most powerful part of the hard sciences – measurements.
A minor theoretical but a big practical agenda is formulated in the end of the essay. The author proposes to change the mindset of the specialists in economics and finances by the introduction more natural sciences in curricula. It is difficult to disagree that the diversity in the mandatory subjects to read allows a wider view on short- and long-term problems in any discipline. However, dozens thousands of young physicists, mostly theoreticians, in quant funds failed to prevent the current crisis. Hence, the strength of solid knowledge and the diversity of physical education is not a remedy. One should first give an appropriate physical concept of economy and then include it in education.
The above polemics would be void if no convincing examples of physics-like behavior of economic variables are presented. In a sense, there is a bunch of words against another bunch, with economists condescendingly smiling. However, before demonstrating couple robust micro- and macroeconomic relationships, it is obligatory to formulate and discuss the fundamental problem of economics as a science, which is echoed in all three questions above. So, the real problem is data.
It is a miracle that nor economists neither physicists (!) have focused on economic data as the only source and proof of economic concepts. The former have an excuse of the absence of any experience in handling model-producing data. For centuries, data were an alien in the field of economics, as openly expressed by all (I mean literally all) statistical agencies responsible for economic measurements. When publishing data, they always warn users that the data (real GDP, inflation, labor force, unemployment, productivity, etc.) are not compatible over time due to revisions to definitions and procedures. As a consequence, no economist had any chance to work with quality data of appropriate length. No experience – no regret. E. Prescott, the Nobel Prize winner in economics, wrote [2]:
… This raises the question of why inductive or empirical inference proved sterile in business cycle research. This sterility was not due to the incompetence of the researchers who pursued the inductive approach. The group who pursued this research program included a disproportionate number of the best minds in economics. The reason these inductive attempts failed, I think, is that the policy invariant laws governing the evolution of economic system is inconsistent with dynamic economic theory …
It is more difficult to imagine the mental shift in numerous physicists who build theories based on wrong data. The habit to work with data of sufficient quality is so natural that they have never dug deep enough to recognize this basic mistake. There is no opportunity to build a reliable economic theory when data measured in different units are used together. The failure to develop empirically validated models of economic processes is an inevitable consequence of the absence of measurements matching standard requirements.
One must check data consistency before modelling, as we have done for several macroeconomic and demographic series. When checked and corrected, where possible, these data provide an invaluable source of information revealing numerous links between macroeconomic variables. Here only three examples are presented, from many. First is the model describing the evolution of personal income distribution (PID) over time and age, which is borrowed from geomechanics [3]. Left panel of Figure 1 depicts observed and predicted average income as a function of working experience in the United States for 1967 and 2001, the former is measured by the Census Bureau in the Annual Social and Economic Supplement of the Current Population Survey. Right panel of Figure 1 shows the evolution of Gini coefficient during the same period as measured and predicted by the model. This is the microeconomic level of description because the model accurately predicts the number of people with any given income or any given year after 1947 using only from real GDP per capita and age pyramid. It also predicts the observed evolution of income inequality. The model provides an adequate quantitative description of personal incomes and meets general requirements for physical models. It supports the idea that in economic terms society in the United States is a physical system.
Figure 1. Left Panel: Comparison of observed and predicted mean personal income dependence on work experience in 1967 and 2001. Averaging in 10-year intervals of work experience. Right panel: Comparison of predicted (solid squares) and empirical (open triangle - all working age population; open circle – only people with income) Gini coefficient between 1967 and 2005.

Second example is from the field of macroeconomics and represents a part of a comprehensive macro-model for the US economy [4], which explains the evolution of macroeconomic variables only by the change in population, i.e. in the number of people in a given country. Under this framework, the pair inflation/unemployment is driven by the change in the level of labor force. Figure 2 demonstrates the robustness of this link for inflation in the United States, with inflation lagged by 10 quarters behind the change in labor force. Annual readings of inflation in the left panel of Figure 2 are shifted back by 2.5 years in order to synchronize them with the change in labor force. Smoothing of the latter curve provides a much better fit between the curves at the level of R2>0.9 and still allows prediction a several quarters horizon. Workforce projections developed by the CBO or BLS allow forecasting at a horizon of several years – the U.S. should expect a deflationary period from 2012. This deflation is caused by low rate of labor force growth and thus is similar to that observed in Japan. A helpful consequence of the link is the possibility to replace the measurements of inflation by the measurement in labor force. Right panel of Figure 2 displays cumulative curves for those in the left panel. The difference between the predicted and observed cumulative curves is a stationary or an I(0) process [5], i.e. the difference cumulates to zero over time. Considering fundamentally different nature of these two variables, one might use relationship:

π(t) = 4.5dLF(t-2.5)/LF(t-2.5) – 0.031

where π(t) is the CPI inflation at time t, LF(t-2.5) is the level of labor force 10 quarters before, as an empirical law in economics. It is similar to the estimation of the distribution of density in the Earth from orbits of satellites.


Figure 2. Observed and predicted (CPI) inflation in the United States. Left panel – annual rate curves. Right panel: cumulative curves.

Finally, unemployment in Italy provides an extraordinary example of the time delay between the change in labor force and unemployment [5]. The lag is the largest determined so far, with 6 years in the USA. Figure 3 depicts observed unemployment and that predicted from labor force according the following relationship:

UE(t) = 3.0dLF(t-11)/LF(t-11) + 0.085

where UE(t) is the unemployment at time t, LF(t-11) is the level of labor force 11 years before. Because of large fluctuations in the change rate of labor force this time series is smoothed with a 5-year moving average, MA(5), which still allow an out-of-sample forecast at a 9-year horizon with RMS forecasting error (RMSFE) of 0.55%. This is an outstanding result, which also a decisive example for the validation of the model. Here we get our feet back on the ground of empirically driven sciences: data reveal a reliable (R2=0.92) relationship between two measured variables. The relationship predicts at a very long horizon with an uncertainty much lower than the expected change. The horizon is lengthy but the reward is high – robust empirical bounds in economics.
All three examples, and dozens more not shown here for the sake of brevity, are completely data-driven. There was no theoretical assumption or a desire to develop a revolutionary tool behind the obtained relations. The model for personal incomes is the result of a random attempt to apply a concept specific for geomechanics to some measured value in economics, with as long time series as possible. The intuition behind the macro-model for developed economies is trivial – dirty trial-and-error with the simplest linear link, potentially lagged. Therefore, there is no demand for revolution in economics. One desperately needs a significant increase in the quality of economic data, the data being measured according to sound definitions of macro-economic variables under study. As in physics, statistical inferences are only possible then the length and volume of quality data will reach the threshold, which is well established in the hard sciences. Hence, the way economics should walk along is to repeat the loop data-model-data, which has been productive for centuries in the natural sciences. On this path, actual revolution is not feasible, because there is nothing revolutionary in the repetition, with small deviations, of what other people have already done. One needs the meticulous everyday work and progressive correction of the attained knowledge, just as in physics. Then, real revolution is economic behavior of society and individuals is likely to come
Figure 3. Observed and predicted unemployment in Italy. The prediction horizon is 11 years. Due to large fluctuations associated with measurement errors in the labor force the predicted series is smoothed with MA(5). Linear regression gives R2=0.92 for the period between 1973 and 2006, with RMSFE of 0.55%. The unemployment should start to increase in 2008.

References
[1] Bouchaud, J.-P., (2008). Economics needs scientific revolution, Nature, v.455, 30 October 2008.
[2] Prescott, E., (1998). Business cycle research: methods and problems, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, working paper 590.
[3] Kitov, I., (2009). Mechanical model of personal income distribution, Working Papers 110, ECINEQ, Society for the Study of Economic Inequality, http://www.ecineq.org/milano/WP/ECINEQ2009-110.pdf
[4] Kitov, I., Kitov, O., Dolinskaya, S., (2008). Comprehensive Macro – Model For The US Economy, Journal of Applied Economic Sciences, Spiru Haret University, Faculty of Financial Management and Accounting Craiova, vol. 3(4(6)_Wint), pp. 405-418.
[5] Kitov, I., Kitov, O., (2009). Unemployment and inflation in Western Europe: solution by the boundary element method, MPRA Paper 14341, University Library of Munich, Germany.

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